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From: "Greenwood, Audrey" <[log in to unmask]>
Date: Wed, 5 Jan 2011 20:57:00 +0000
Subject: Now available  - The Canadian Journal of Linguistics 55 (3),
  November 2010
To: "[log in to unmask]" <[log in to unmask]>

The Canadian Journal of Linguistics / La revue canadienne de linguistique
55(3), November/novembre 2010 is now available at http://muse.jhu.edu/journals/canadian_journal_of_linguistics/toc/cjl.55.3.html

Noun incorporation as symmetry breaking
Michael Barrie

Abstract:This article proposes a novel account of noun incorporation in Northern  
Iroquoian. It is proposed that there is no special mechanism for noun incorporation  
and that this phenomenon falls out naturally from the geometry of the phrase structure  
under Moro's theory of Dynamic Antisymmetry. In a nutshell, when the verbal head  
and the nominal head undergoMerge, they form a point of symmetric c-command,which  
is resolved by the nominal head moving to the specifier of the verb phrase. Further,  
it is proposed that, in noun incorporation constructions with a full DP double,  
the incorporated noun and the DP form a constituent, which is merged in theta-position.

Resume:Cet article propose une nouvelle description de l'incorporation nominale  
dans l'iroquoien du Nord. Il est propose qu'il n'y a aucun mecanisme particulier  
en matiere d'incorporation nominale et que ce phenomene decoule naturellement  
de la geometrie de la syntaxe selon la theorie de l'Antisymetrie dynamique de  
Moro. En un mot, la fusion (Merge) des tetes verbale et nominale forme un point  
de c-commande symetrique qui se voit resoudre par le deplacement de la tete nominale  
au specifieur du syntagme verbal. De plus, j'avance que le nom incorpore dans  
les constructions ayant un sd double forme avec celui-ci un constituent qui est  
fusionne en position thematique. http://muse.jhu.edu/journals/canadian_journal_of_linguistics/v055/55.3.barrie.pdf


Omission des determinants : Contraintes d'alternances rythmiques ou contraintes  
liees aux niveaux superieurs de la structure prosodique
Roseline Frechette
Marie Labelle

Resume:Cet article vise a determiner si l'omission des determinants chez des enfants  
de deux ans est contrainte au niveau du pied ou si elle est contrainte par les  
differents niveaux de la hierarchie prosodique. Neuf enfants francophones ages  
de 24 a 31 mois ont participe a une tache de repetition de 54 phrases de quatre  
ou cinq mots de la forme suivante <<Pronomv sn>> reparties en trois conditions  
: a) det + nom monosyllabique; b) det + nom bisyllabique; c) det + adjectif monosyllabique  
+ nom monosyllabique. Les resultats demontrent 1) plus d'omission du determinant  
dans la condition b que dans la condition a; 2) plus d'omission du determinant  
en c qu'en b. Il est demontre que l'omission du determinant ne s'explique pas  
par une contrainte d'alternance rythmique de bas niveau et que le niveau de la  
structure prosodique auquel doit s'attacher le determinant joue un role dans l'omission  
des determinants.

Abstract:This article focuses on whether determiner omission by two-year-old children  
is constrained at the level of the prosodic foot or whether it is a function of  
the different levels of the prosodic hierarchy. Nine French-speaking children  
aged 2;0 to 2;7 were asked to repeat 54 four-or five-word sentences of the form  
"Pronoun V NP" with three conditions: a) det + monosyllabic noun; b) det + bisyllabic  
noun; c) det + monosyllabic adjective + monosyllabic noun. The results show 1)  
more determiner omission in condition b than in a; 2) more determiner omission  
in c than in b. It is shown that determiner omission is not accounted for by a  
low-level stress-alternation constraint and that the level of prosodic structure  
to which the determiner is attached plays a role in determiner omission.
http://muse.jhu.edu/journals/canadian_journal_of_linguistics/v055/55.3.frechette.pdf


Redefining what matters: Syntactic explanation in American linguistics, 1955-1970
Janet Martin-Nielsen

Abstract:The postwar decades are well known for having brought dramatic change  
to American linguistics on many fronts. This paper explores an internally focused  
aspect of this change: conditions of explanation. The two questions at stake are,  
firstly, what counts as explanation in linguistics? and, secondly, how is this  
decided? I argue that transformational grammarians dominated the setting of explanatory  
criteria in 1960s American syntax, and that this dominance was essential to the  
overall success of that theory. Importantly, rival grammarians were forced to  
devote as much time and effort to fitting their theories to the transformational  
criteria as they were to advancing their own explanatory priorities. By successfully  
naming the conditions for explanation, transformationalists provided their own  
supporters with significant questions to pursue and, simultaneously, drew energy  
away from rivals. This monopoly over explanatory criteria was central to the dominant  
position transformational grammar established in the American academic linguistics  
community.

Resume:Les decennies de l'apres-guerre ont ete caracterisees par des changements  
importants dans la linguistique americaine. Cet article explore un aspect interne  
de ces changements : les conditions d'explication.Deux questions sont en jeu ici  
: premierement, en quoi consiste l'explication en linguistique? et en deuxieme  
lieu : Comment decide-t-on en quoi consiste l'explication? Je soutiens que les  
grammairiens transformationnels ont impose le choix des criteres d'explication  
de la syntaxe americaine au cours des annees 1960 et que cette domination etait  
essentielle au succes global de la grammaire transformationnelle. Les grammairiens  
rivaux ont du consacrer autant de temps et d'effort a adapter leurs theories aux  
criteres transformationnels qu'a avancer leur propres priorites d'explication.  
En reussissant a definir les criteres d'explication, les transformationalistes  
ont nourri leur propres partisans de questions importantes a poursuivre en meme  
temps qu'ils ont draine les energies de leurs rivaux. Ce monopole des criteres  
d'explication etait central a la position dominante que la grammaire transformationelle  
a etablie dans la communaute linguistique universitaire americaine.
http://muse.jhu.edu/journals/canadian_journal_of_linguistics/v055/55.3.martin-nielsen.pdf


Some remarks on subject positions and the architecture of the left periphery in  
Spanish
Bernhard Poll

This article reexamines the puzzling issue of where subjects, lexical and null,  
are located in Spanish and offers a novel explanation for the incompatibility  
of preverbal lexical subjects with fronted focussed constituents. Both Specip  
and the left periphery appear to be potential landing sites for subjects, according  
to discourse-pragmatic factors. Assuming that pro is a clitic, it is argued that  
the aforementioned incompatibility can be captured by a simple rule: Specip must  
be empty for focus fronting to occur. This is the case with pro, which adjoins  
to Infl, or with postverbal subjects since they remain in Specvp. From this analysis  
it follows that: 1) the subject field in Spanish is less articulated than is generally  
assumed, 2) the differences between Spanish and other null subject languages with  
respect to the availability of preverbal subjets can be reduced to this rule and  
a different ordering of focus and topic phrases, and 3) it is unnecessary to posit  
two different topic positions.

Resume:Cet article examine l'epineuse question de la position preverbale occupee  
par le sujet lexical en espagnol et offre une nouvelle explication pour la contrainte  
sur la cooccurrence de sujets lexicaux et de constituants focalises en position  
preverbale. S'agissant des positions sujet, il apparait que tant le specifieur  
de si que la peripherie gauche peuvent servir comme cible de mouvement, en fonction  
de parametres discursifs. En presumant que pro est un clitique, je soutiens qu'il  
est possible de ramener la contrainte ci-dessus a la regle suivante : le mouvement  
d'items focalises vers la peripherie gauche requiert que le specifieur de si soit  
vide. C'est le cas avec pro (attache a la tete de si) et egalement avec les sujets  
postverbaux. Il s'ensuit que 1) la structure des positions sujet en espagnol est  
moins complexe qu'on ne l'affirme souvent, 2) les differences entre l'espagnol  
et d'autres langues a sujet nul quant a la possibilite de sujets preverbaux se  
reduisent a la regle mentionnee de meme qu'a une structure differente de la peripherie  
gauche, et 3) il n'est pas necessaire de postuler deux positions differentes pour  
les topiques.
http://muse.jhu.edu/journals/canadian_journal_of_linguistics/v055/55.3.poll.pdf


The Canadian Shift in Toronto
Rebecca Roeder
Lidia-Gabriela Jarmasz

Abstract:This study provides the first wide-scale, apparent time, instrumental  
description of the Canadian Shift in mainstream Toronto English. In contrast with  
some previous findings, the Toronto data suggest that for the last 70 years or  
more the shift has not affected the high front lax vowel (I). We observe that  
the movement of the non-high front lax vowels ($E5) and (?) involves both lowering  
and retraction in Toronto English, although retraction is the primary direction  
of more recent change and the shift appears to be slowing down. Our findings also  
suggest that continued retraction of the vowel resulting from the low back merger  
is involved in the final stage of the shift. We do not find evidence of a chain  
shift but instead propose that a parallel shift is occurring and make reference  
to Vowel Dispersion Theory in our discussion.

Resume:Cette etude presente la premiere description instrumentale en temps apparent  
de grande envergure du Canadian Shift dans l'anglais courant de Toronto. En contraste  
avec certains resultats anterieurs, les donnees de Toronto suggerent qu'au cours  
des 70 dernieres annees ou plus, cette mutation n'a pas touche la voyelle haute  
anterieure relachee (I). Nous observons que le mouvement des voyelles anterieures  
relachees non hautes ($E5) et (?) implique a la fois abaissement et posteriorisation,  
bien que cette derniere represente la direction principale du changement plus  
recent; de plus, nous observons que la mutation semble ralentir. Nos resultats  
suggerent egalement que la posteriorisation continue de la voyelle qui provient  
de la fusion des voyelles posterieures basses est impliquee dans la derniere etape  
de la mutation. Ne trouvant aucune preuve de mutation en chaine, nous proposons  
plutot que le Canadian Shift est unemutation en parallele. Nous invoquons la theorie  
de la dispersion des voyelles dans notre discussion.
http://muse.jhu.edu/journals/canadian_journal_of_linguistics/v055/55.3.roeder.pdf


Honorific agreement in Japanese
Hideki Kishimoto
http://muse.jhu.edu/journals/canadian_journal_of_linguistics/v055/55.3.kishimoto.pdf


One-replacement and the label-less theory of adjuncts
Yosuke Sato
http://muse.jhu.edu/journals/canadian_journal_of_linguistics/v055/55.3.sato.pdf


Handbook of Cognitive Linguistics and second language acquisition (review)
Engin Arik
http://muse.jhu.edu/journals/canadian_journal_of_linguistics/v055/55.3.arik.pdf


The locative syntax of experiencers (review)
Marco Nicolis
http://muse.jhu.edu/journals/canadian_journal_of_linguistics/v055/55.3.nicolis.pdf


L'enfant dans la langue (review)
Nelleke Strik
http://muse.jhu.edu/journals/canadian_journal_of_linguistics/v055/55.3.strik.pdf


Pragmatics and grammar (review)
Dorota Zielinska
http://muse.jhu.edu/journals/canadian_journal_of_linguistics/v055/55.3.zielinska.pdf

The Canadian Journal of Linguistics publishes articles of original research in  
linguistics in both English and French. The articles deal with linguistic theory,  
linguistic description of English, French and a variety of other natural languages,  
phonetics, phonology, morphology, syntax, semantics, historical linguistics, sociolinguistics,  
psycholinguistics, first and second language acquisition, and other areas of interest  
to linguists.

For more information, please contact: University of Toronto Press - Journals Division,  
5201 Dufferin St., Toronto, ON M3H 5T8 Tel: (416) 667-7810 Fax: (416) 667-7881  
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